Agata Giuliano
Introduction
A state’s competitive capacity is closely linked to the work model it promotes and organises. This premise underpins this reflection on the geopolitical dimension of work and the different conceptions of the relationship between the individual, the market, and the national interest.
In contemporary debates on international relations, geopolitics has traditionally been associated with factors such as territorial control, the availability of natural resources, military presence, and the commercial capacity of states. However, in a context of advanced globalisation and the digital transformation of the economy, another structural element is increasingly emerging: the organisation of labour.
Labour management is not merely an economic or social issue but is also a component of states’ geopolitical strategy.
Global labor patterns, historical dynamics, and migration trajectories
The ways in which work is regulated, valued, and perceived within states represent the outcome of long historical processes that have shaped institutions, economic cultures, and social structures that differ from country to country.
The institutions that regulate work do not arise in isolation but develop within specific political, cultural, and economic contexts, reflecting different conceptions of the relationship between the individual, the market, and the state. For this reason, work cannot be considered merely a productive factor: it represents an essential component of social organisation and one of the tools through which a community defines its access to economic opportunities and collective participation.
The question of work runs through the entire history of political and economic thought. Aristotle already identified a distinction between activities aimed at satisfying material needs and those aimed at the full realisation of the human being, placing the latter within the political and contemplative dimension of “living well” (eu zen) within the polis.
In mediaeval Europe, the Christian tradition helped redefine the social significance of work, attributing to it a dignity that departed somewhat from the prevailing conception of the ancient world. In particular, in Western monastic experience, work assumed a central role in community life according to the principle of ora et labora, which integrated spiritual dimensions and manual labour within a lifestyle characterised by sobriety, discipline, and the renunciation of superfluous goods. While similar forms of integration between ascetic life and work were present in other Eastern monastic traditions, in the European context this approach contributed more directly to the formation of a culture of work that would influence the development of modern economic ethics. Through theological reflection, monastic practice, and, subsequently, the work ethic that developed in modern Europe, work was progressively interpreted not only as an economic necessity but also as a moral duty, a means of participation in community life and a means of personal fulfilment. This approach had a lasting influence on the formation of European culture and on subsequent conceptions of the relationship between the individual, society and productive activity.
With the Industrial Revolution, work assumed an unprecedented centrality, becoming the fulcrum of economic transformations and social conflicts of the modern age. Adam Smith identified the division of labour as one of the main drivers of productivity and economic growth, while Karl Marx made it the starting point for understanding the relations of production and the tensions that characterised industrial societies. More recently, Karl Polanyi has shown how the labour market is not a natural reality that emerges spontaneously from the intersection of supply and demand, but the result of specific political and institutional choices.
Observing the international landscape clearly reveals a plurality of models of work organisation. Advanced economies have developed different solutions, often consistent with their own histories, cultures, and institutional traditions. In this regard, the studies of Peter A. Hall and David Soskice have played a fundamental role in demonstrating how different forms of capitalism differ not only in their economic outcomes but also in the way firms, workers, and public institutions interact.
In continental Europe, work is generally framed within a regulatory framework characterised by a high level of social protection and relatively developed welfare systems. This approach has its roots in the post-World War II era, when economic reconstruction was accompanied by the belief that growth, democratic stability, and social cohesion must go hand in hand. The reflections of John Maynard Keynes and, later, those of T.H. Marshall helped consolidate the idea that modern citizenship should not be limited to civil and political rights but also encompass social rights related to employment, education, and economic protection.
In the United States, however, a historically more market-orientated vision has emerged. The employment relationship is often interpreted as a predominantly contractual relationship between individuals and firms, in which flexibility, professional mobility, and adaptability are considered key resources for sustaining innovation and competitiveness. As Gøsta Esping-Andersen noted in his well-known classification of welfare regimes, the US model assigns the market a broader role in the distribution of economic opportunities and provides for less extensive public intervention than the European model. This approach reflects a liberal tradition that values individual autonomy and personal responsibility.
In East Asia, the relationship between labour and development has taken on different characteristics. The experiences of Japan, South Korea, and China show how labour has often been considered a strategic lever for national growth. In these countries, investment in education, organisational discipline, and coordination between the public sector and the productive system have played a decisive role in the processes of industrialisation. Chalmers Johnson has described these dynamics through the concept of the “developmental state”, highlighting the capacity of public institutions to guide economic development and support sectors considered strategic. Other scholars, such as Ezra Vogel and Alice Amsden, have also emphasised the importance of human capital and technical training in the success of Asian economies.
A still different situation is observed in the Persian Gulf countries. Here, the labour market is strongly influenced by the presence of foreign workers, who in many cases represent a majority share of the total workforce. In economies characterised by abundant capital and a relatively small national population, development has been supported by the arrival of millions of workers from South Asia, Southeast Asia, and several African countries. In this context, managing migration flows takes on strategic importance, and human capital becomes a resource to be attracted and managed according to growth objectives. Studies on rentier economies by Hazem Beblawi and Giacomo Luciani have highlighted how these systems present a peculiar relationship between the state, the labour market, and the distribution of wealth.
The analysis of labour patterns, however, cannot be separated from the major migratory dynamics that have accompanied contemporary economic history. International migration has often served a balancing function between areas characterised by a high availability of labour and territories where labour demand was higher. As Stephen Castles and Mark J. Miller have observed, the international mobility of people represents one of the structural dimensions of globalisation and contributes to changing the composition of labour markets, demographic balances, and the sustainability of welfare systems. Studies by Michael Todaro have also shown how differences in employment opportunities and wage levels constitute one of the main factors guiding migration choices.
Armed conflicts have played an equally important role. Wars not only cause material destruction but also profoundly impact the availability and distribution of the labour force. Demographic losses, forced population displacements, and the need to rebuild entire production systems alter employment balances for decades. Post-World War II Europe offers a particularly significant example: the economic reconstruction of West Germany, France, and other industrialised countries was accompanied by the arrival of millions of foreign workers, destined to fill labour shortages and sustain economic growth. More recently, the consequences of conflicts in the Middle East and Eastern Europe have confirmed how closely intertwined labour dynamics are with geopolitical processes and international security issues.
Taken together, these elements demonstrate that labour cannot be interpreted solely through an economic lens. It lies at the intersection of development, demographics, human mobility, and political power. The ways in which it is organised and regulated influence not only economic growth but also the ability of states to attract human capital, maintain social cohesion, and strengthen their role in the international system. In a historical period marked by the ageing of the population in many advanced economies, global competition for skills, and the transformations brought about by technological innovation, labour increasingly appears as a strategic resource and one of the arenas on which a significant portion of contemporary geopolitical competition is played out.
Italy, welfare and human capital mobility
Italy has traditionally been part of the European social model, characterised by a developed welfare system and a comprehensive framework of employment protections. From this perspective, employment is not merely a source of income but a fundamental instrument of social inclusion, economic participation, and collective cohesion. As highlighted by Gøsta Esping-Andersen, European welfare systems have historically developed with the aim of mitigating market-generated vulnerabilities and ensuring forms of social protection capable of supporting the stability of advanced industrial societies.
In this context, unemployment takes on a significance that transcends the individual economic dimension. It impacts the financial sustainability of welfare, reduces the contributory capacity of the social security system, and can fuel social exclusion and regional hardship. This issue is particularly important in a country characterised by a progressive ageing population and a shrinking workforce, phenomena that pose increasingly significant challenges to the stability of the economic and social system.
The dynamics of the Italian labour market are also closely linked to migration. After World War II, Italy was primarily a country of emigration: millions of citizens left the country for other European countries, the Americas, and Australia, helping to ease internal employment tensions and, through remittances, fostering the economic development of many areas of the country. Since the 1980s, however, Italy has progressively assumed the role of a country of immigration, becoming a destination for workers from various parts of the world.
The contribution of foreign labour is now essential in numerous sectors of production, including agriculture, construction, logistics, personal care, and services. In a historical period characterised by demographic decline and a shrinking working population, immigration contributes not only to the availability of labour but also to maintaining the contribution and social security balance of the welfare system.
Italy continues to grapple with the phenomenon of skilled emigration, commonly referred to as the “brain drain”. This dynamic is part of a structural pattern of international human capital mobility that has become increasingly stable in recent years. According to ISTAT data for 2025, emigration from Italy abroad reached approximately 144,000 units, compared to approximately 440,000 immigrations, resulting in an overall positive migration balance (+296,000). This, however, does not alleviate the critical issues related to the qualitative composition of the flows. In particular, a significant share of outgoing movements involves young people and those with medium-to-high levels of education. ISTAT data on migration flows show that in 2024, the expatriations of Italian citizens with degrees between the ages of 25 and 34 (approximately 25,000) largely exceeded repatriations (approximately 4,000), resulting in a negative net balance of close to 21,000.
This trend confirms that the mobility of highly skilled workers is a structural component of contemporary globalisation and, at the same time, one of the most significant indicators of growing international competition for human capital. In this context, the ability to attract and retain specialised skills is becoming increasingly central to states’ economic development strategies. As Frédéric Docquier and Hillel Rapoport observe, skilled migration has become a structural component of globalisation processes and a central element of states’ development strategies.
The issue is taking on growing geopolitical significance. Advanced economies are increasingly competing to attract highly skilled workers, researchers, and professionals capable of fuelling innovation, productivity, and economic growth. In this scenario, human capital tends to assume a strategic value comparable to that of infrastructure, technology, and productive investments. The ability to attract qualified skills thus becomes a factor of international competitiveness, while their loss can translate into a reduction in a country’s innovative potential and growth capacity.
The issue of remigration fits into this framework, understood as the return to their country of origin of previously emigrated workers. The return of Italian citizens who have gained professional experience and skills abroad can represent a significant opportunity for the national economic system, fostering the transfer of knowledge, international relations, and organisational models acquired in different production contexts. Skilled remigration can therefore contribute to strengthening human capital and the diffusion of innovation within regions and businesses.
However, the phenomenon has more complex implications. The return of migrant workers requires adequate policies for professional reintegration and the valorisation of skills acquired abroad. At the same time, the permanence of highly specialised professionals abroad, as well as the potential reallocation of immigrant workers already present in Italy to other European countries, can exacerbate personnel shortages in strategic sectors such as healthcare, research, education, and technical professions. Competition for human capital is, therefore, not only about attracting new resources but also about retaining those already present.
Migration, skilled emigration, and remigration are therefore not separate phenomena, but aspects of a broader global competition for human capital. In a period characterised by technological transformation, demographic transition, and increasing international mobility of skills, work takes on a fully geopolitical dimension, positioned at the crossroads of economic development, welfare sustainability, demographic dynamics, and the ability of states to compete for the acquisition and development of human resources.
Conclusion
Work, in its diverse historical and geographical configurations, constitutes a structural dimension through which states define not only their economic structures but also their place in the power relations of the international system. Transformations in production models, the growing mobility of human capital, and the reconfiguration of employment patterns highlight a progressive integration between labour dynamics and geopolitical processes.
From this perspective, labour cannot be interpreted as an exclusively economic variable but rather as a strategic asset through which the adaptability of national systems and their ability to attract skills are measured. Labour policies and the quality of the institutions that govern their implementation, therefore, play a crucial role in defining the competitiveness of states.
In a context marked by technological transition, demographic ageing, and global competition for skills, work is confirmed as one of the main instruments of contemporary geopolitical competition.
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